Thursday 2 July 2009

Sleepwalking to Segregation?
(2009)


Although a rather academic text, it is right on the money about how Whites see migration to be a threat to themselves. (There is also a Quick Reference Summary as an appendix that could serve as the basis of a Website and should be read first.)

For example, the myth of minority White UK cities was invented to frighten Whites whose judgement of rights is based on ethnicity. This unfounded racist fear is that Whites would lose rights if they are in the minority, yet Whites rarely advance such arguments when the middle class (or men) are in the minority in a given area. This moral panic also contains the implicit assumption that only Whites can create a cohesive and integrated society because only They are governable - despite the fact that Whites are divided by social class. Moreover, Whites never say with whom They are integrated; making Whiteness the superior culture into which others must integrate. This one way relationship of master to slave cannot work; explaining many of the current (2009) social problems prevalent in the UK.

These problems are the vague ones of parallel communities, segregation and immigration which is subsumed within a White, folkloric 'litany' of labeling inner city diverse areas as ghettos, of asylum seekers & immigrants as freeloaders, of Muslims as isolationists. Yet, if ghettos, freeloaders and isolationists are the real problem then why are they never the targets of political debate instead of diversity, asylum seekers, immigrants & Muslims. Without the moral courage to specifically name perceived problems, Whites perpetuate a polity based on ignorance, prejudice and the abuse of freely available statistics that this book contains in abundance; thereby playing the race card. This proves such problems result from Whites painting them as racial problems rather than long term trends in, say, housing and employment that would happen anyway. Thus, it is demanded of minorities that they must change in order to solve problems initiated by Whites.

And the most interesting aspect of White racism, here, is always the claim that if Blacks behave differently, they are to blame for the racism they experience - as if they were asking for it. Yet, the claim that rape victims were asking for it was long ago dismissed as sexism and so this should now be dismissed as the racism it so clearly is. And, since there are no racist epithets relating to behavior, it follows that behavior is not the real issue here but appearance.

The best indicator of integration with British values (expressed in the common law) is of the existence of mixed ethnicity – the fastest growing ethnicity in the UK. Yet, the quote that forms this book's title comes from the current (2009) chair of the Equality and Human Rights Commission, Trevor Phillips who, despite his position, cheerleads the racism of the British National Party and MigrationWatchUK.

The basic problem for Whites living in an ethnically diverse land is one of identity. Because Britishness is impossible to define since it is in a state of permanent flux, the easier option is to define it in terms of what it is not. When foreigners, minorities, asylum seekers and migrants are rejected, the British are asserting their sense of national identity. Belonging means saying who belongs and who does not, and those who are permanently labeled as "not belonging" get no say in altering their social status. This proves that the ideology of race prejudice is historically embedded in British society and ingrained in thinking, culture, institutions, ways of conduct, communications and emotions that is constantly reinforced. 'Postcolonial melancholia' also says something about the uncertainty over national identity characterized by groups like the BNP, who see multiculturalism as 'inverted racism' and migration as a 'reverse invasion'.

This book calls for evidence based social policy and the separation of statistics from their interpretation to avoid the fallacy that facts speak for themselves. However, this is a steep hill to climb because of the enormous vested interests to be challenged.


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Science:



No science is immune to the infection of politics and the corruption of power.



Jacob Bronowski… (1908 - 74), British scientist, author. Encounter (London, July 1971).


Sleep of Reason:



The dream of reason produces monsters. Imagination deserted by reason creates impossible, useless thoughts. United with reason, imagination is the mother of all art and the source of all its beauty.



Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes… (1746-1828), Spanish painter. Caption to Caprichos, number 43, a series of eighty etchings completed in 1798, satirical and grotesque in form.


Humans & Aliens:



I am human and let nothing human be alien to me.



Terence… (circa 190-159 BC), Roman dramatist. Chremes, in The Self-Tormentor [Heauton Timorumenos], act 1, scene 1.


Führerprinzip:



One leader, one people, signifies one master and millions of slaves… There is no organ of conciliation or mediation interposed between the leader and the people, nothing in fact but the apparatus - in other words, the party - which is the emanation of the leader and the tool of his will to oppress. In this way the first and sole principle of this degraded form of mysticism is born, the Führerprinzip, which restores idolatry and a debased deity to the world of nihilism.